Australians have just re-elected a government with a decisive majority — effectively endorsing a continuation of its economic direction. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: we now sit at the bottom of the OECD and G20 rankings for living standards.

Since Albanese was elected in 2022, we have had the steepest fall in real disposable incomes, collapsing productivity, and unrelenting cost-of-living pressures. While other countries recover, we’re slipping further behind — not by misfortune, but by choice.

By voting for more of the same, we’ve entrenched policies that have failed to meet the scale of the challenge. The decline is not just economic — it’s self-inflicted.

If we want a better future, we must demand more than rhetoric. It’s time for bold, urgent reform — or we will continue to pay the price.

Sussan Ley’s recent eloquent remarks are a breath of fresh political air. Her emphasis on responsibility, citizenship, and constructive leadership stands in stark contrast to the combative rhetoric of TWU boss Michael Kaine, whose threats of industrial action only deepen division.

One offers a unifying vision that may one day carry her to the prime ministership; the other typifies the ALP’s reliance on union muscle and manufactured grievance. The contrast could not be clearer.

As Sussan Ley faces her family challenge, in Albury, it is interesting to note misogyny raising its ugly head. More interesting this disappointing attitude comes mostly from women.

Now that the post-election dust has settled, and attention turns to the economy and our declining living standards—among the worst in the G20 and OECD—it’s time for a reality check on Labor’s so-called historic victory.

While the Albanese government proudly boasts a record seat count, its primary vote tells a different story: the fourth lowest for the ALP since 1949. It mirrors Labor’s 2016 result under Bill Shorten, when the Coalition clung to power by a single seat. The difference? Preference flows—nothing more.

This wasn’t a surge toward Labor; it was a collapse in the Liberal vote. Disillusioned voters didn’t flock to the ALP—they scattered. Labor’s gains came on the back of preferences, not popular support. When new Liberal leader Sussan Ley calls Labor’s vote “soft,” she’s right.

Preferences are fickle. As Tim Wilson demonstrated in Goldstein, they can be won back with targeted, principled campaigning. If Ley can overcome the misogynistic attacks already surfacing and connect with voters on issues like cost of living, housing, and energy security, she has a real path forward.

Keating, and Gillard achieved stronger primary votes in losing elections (Gillard managed a minority government). Albanese may claim a historic mandate, but his more competent predecessors might quietly shake their heads at the irony.

This government governs on a fragile foundation. Whether those preferences stay with Labor or swing back will depend not on branding, but on performance.

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